This influence has waned under the security agenda of the succeeding right-wing governments, but is still evident in the new political thinking, as stated in Marie-Jo Zimmermann 's UMP report to the Delegation on Women's Rights on prostitution  in which she echoes the left wing sentiment that the purchase of sex constitutes violence. Sarkozy stated that the poor supported a tough crime agenda and that the general population wanted a stronger stand on law and order. However, a significant gap still exists in terms of economic and employment opportunities. It was noted that there was no action to deal with organized crime or those who might be exploiting sex workers. This serves as a plot point in the first James Bond novel, Casino Royale. In , sex tourism was added if offences against minors were committed by French residents outside France.
Although the report received a favourable reception in parliament initially, its political impact was limited. The French new Left meanwhile elevated the model of the "heroic Algerian man" as an incarnation of the revolutionary immigrant worker. The Algerian revolution for independence coincided with the sexual revolution in France, and Todd Shepard sees the two movements as inextricably linked. This was signed by 35 prominent citizens, and demanded that France and Europe affirm their commitment to the abolition of prostitution, resulting in a debate covering many aspects of the subject, such as choice, autonomy, voice, and agency. Shepard's study engages in systematic questioning of long-standing assumptions in the fields of postcolonial criticism, French history, queer theory, contemporary European history, and sexuality studies. In the Senate hearings into prostitution that year, Claude Boucher of Bus des Femmes , a sex worker support group, described how sex workers sell sex to survive, unable to make ends meet on social security or the minimum wage. I hope that these women will have a better future than facing degrading encounters night after night" In drawing this distinction, Sarkozy made frequent reference to the inability to speak French, constructing the issue as a defense of French. World War I[ edit ] A group of filles de joie in Marseille, During World War I , in Paris alone, US Army officials estimated that there were 40 major brothels, 5, professionally licensed streetwalkers, and another 70, unlicensed prostitutes. Shepard then considers the vogue for sodomy in the s, which was repeatedly linked to Arabs, just as that invocation shaped intense discussion around rape. This disquiet enabled Nicolas Sarkozy to later mobilize public anxiety about security evident in the elections that year in his Domestic Security bill. This was a view shared by state feminists , ministers, delegates, and the powerful abolitionist lobby, and is reflected in the Derycke report as well as the National Commission on Violence Against Women,  as well as the debates on modern slavery esclavage moderne. French policy emphasised, along with the International Convention, that the real evil was prostitution, not trafficking, defined as an "accompanying evil". Critics of French prostitution policy, such as Mouvement du Nid , question how effective this was, its implementation, and whether it really closed the "maisons". Soldiers who did not report for prophylaxis and later contracted VD were subject to court-martial and possibly a hard-labor sentence, while those who contracted disease after treatment only lost pay during treatment. During the German occupation of France , twenty top Paris maisons, including le Chabanais , le Sphinx and le One-Two-Two , were reserved by the Wehrmacht for German officers and collaborating Frenchmen. Prostitutes were not marginalized, but integrated into society where they had a role to play. Instead, they demand the repeal of the law outlawing solication,   a demand that Chantal Brunel also supports. This resulted from a close fit between the government position and the dominant socio-political discourse, making it acceptable to a broad coalition that included abolitionists, secular and religious NGOs, politicians from both ends of the political spectrum, and most French feminists. While it passed with 92 in favor and none against, left-wing lawmakers abstained, saying it did not go far enough. Prostitutes working in the maisons, or any woman arrested twice for soliciting had to be registered as such. In the revolution's aftermath, those on the political right in France rehearsed claims about sexual acts, sexualized humiliation, and lust to explain how France had lost Algeria, homing in on "deviant" masculinity and aberrant hypermasculinity of "Arabs," whose decadent effeminacy had made the French unable to defeat them. Meanwhile, immigration policies have become increasingly restrictive, and soliciting can result in the removal of a migrant's work permit. This influence has waned under the security agenda of the succeeding right-wing governments, but is still evident in the new political thinking, as stated in Marie-Jo Zimmermann 's UMP report to the Delegation on Women's Rights on prostitution  in which she echoes the left wing sentiment that the purchase of sex constitutes violence. This was heightened in when Jean-Pierre Raffarin 's right-wing government succeeded the Gauche Plurielle plural left coalition of Lionel Jospin This caused considerable discussion.
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